By Yariv Mohar
It may seem surprising that a human rights organization often critical of Israeli government policies like Rabbis for Human Rights would release a statement that, to a certain degree, offers praise for the government and the Israeli army on how it conducted the latest iteration of violence on the Gaza border. There should be no doubt that it is appropriate to sharply criticize the steps that led to the recent flare-up. However, this time, after the first round was underway, the way it was handled was positive: It quickly led to a cease fire to restore quiet to Gaza and to the Israeli communities around Gaza. It limited the number of civilian Gazan casualties to very few.
Both the left and the right of the political spectrum have given much criticism for the way the latest round of violence was handled. Alongside the legitimate criticism the facts are that the fighting ended quickly (time will tell if the quiet that has been achieved will hold). Relative to previous clashes there were few casualties, especially of innocent non-combatants. In retrospect previous clashes only achieved a cease fire rather than ambitious objectives such as erasing Hamas’s rule. Why not try to achieve the same but with less fatalities and less civilian suffering?
This time the Israeli army acted differently. These changes appear to have contributed to the briefness of the episode- an important security goal in of itself- alongside fewer casualties and less property damage for Gazan civilians. One of the interesting tactics this time was to target prestigious property belonging to Hamas (their television studio, administrative buildings…) with air strikes while employing advanced warnings in order to minimize casualties. The equation was created between great financial damage – focused on the regimes’ buildings – and not on essential services or the property of the poorest Gazans, coupled with minimum civilian casualties. It seems fair to assume that this tactic does not produce the same rage as would have resulted over fatalities. Previously, Hamas has aspired to prolong the cycle of violence, even at the cost of the lives of its own people, so that it could cynically exploit resulting civilian rage in order to promote its own image of an organization that avenges martyrs. In contrast, focusing on damaging only property promotes a cold calculating mindset of gains and losses that seems to have contributed to the speed in which Hamas was willing to agree to a cease fire. Without the righteous rage to exploit, Hamas has no reason to prolong the fighting.
This is obviously conjecture but it does indicate the need for the security forces to investigate what seems like a real accomplishment both in a military and a human rights sense. This is good for Israelis, especially those living near Gaza and good for the Gazans who are not part of Hamas.
On the critical side one must wonder if the government did everything in its power to avoid this latest round of violence. Human rights abuses have a negative impact not just because they are wrong in and of themselves but also because they encourage more violence. Take, for example, the limitations on the area in which Gazan fishermen are allowed to fish or on the limitations on exports that Israel has imposed- these have nothing to do with security. They are collective punishment and blatant attempts to undermine the rule of Hamas by bringing suffering to over a million Gazans (the fact that Israel plays with these limitations – making them harsher or less harsh according to circumstances- proves that it has little or nothing to do with security). These limitations impose great suffering on a population many of whom are furious at the Hamas regime. This leads Hamas to try to channel this anger elsewhere. For example, orchestrated demonstrations, some violent, some less violent, with flaming kites and the like. Thus, the tension increases and so do the chances of a local incident, such as the exchange of fire when an elite unit of the Israeli army is found in the heart of the Strip, which can escalate into another round of violence.
One can also offer criticism on the political level. As a human rights organization we do not weigh in on what kind of arrangement should be made with Hamas. But we do demand that the government make every political effort, as quickly as possible, to reduce, as much as it can, that which leads to the cycle of violence and human rights abuses caused to the Gazans. Hamas is a despicable terrorist organization consistently violating the human rights of the people under its rule. This does not absolve Israel from committing itself to reducing human right abuses of Gazans.
Along with this critique on how we got here, one must also offer praise where it is due: this time the battle was conducted in a way that brought quiet quickly and with relatively little cost in innocent casualties. As a human rights group we do not only want to highlight the bad but also the good. We urge the Israeli government to learn from this example and to strengthen from it. Those with a humanitarian worldview should know how to acknowledge the good during a complex period. This is in keeping with the Jewish tradition of “Hakarat Hatov” – knowing when and how to show gratitude for a positive act.
In the prayer for welfare of the State of Israel we pray that God grant our leaders wisdom and good sense. It seems like sometimes our prayers are answered.
Yariv Mohar is the spokesperson for Rabbis for Human Rights
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